الثلاثاء، 18 سبتمبر 2012

Eagle set to soar

Ahmed Eleiba reports that Sinai's military mission has simply been revised

Operation Eagle, the military campaign conducted in the wake of the killing of 16 Egyptian soldiers in Rafah last month by unidentified assailants, has not been put on hold, a military source told Al-Ahram Weekly. A tactical revision in deployment will take place in the next few days now that sufficient intelligence has become available to continue with the mission in which considerable progress has already been made, he said.

The source was effectively countering criticism that had been levelled against the operation which seemed to have ground to a halt since the feast that marked the end of Ramadan when many units returned to camps in Bir Al-Abed, Balouza and Khurba. According to his information, the tactical adjustments will involve dispensing with some heavy units while retaining those necessary to the operation.

The source noted that units of the Armed Forces will leave and be replaced by forces of the civil police especially in Area C.

He added that it was not advisable to reveal the plans of the operation at this point and that its accomplishments would be made public at the appropriate time.

In tandem with the military operations, a dialogue, backed by the government, has been in progress with Jihadist groups. In an interview with the Weekly, Nazar Ghorab, a member of the former parliament representing the Construction and Development Party and a leader of a group that has initiated a series of dialogues with Jihadist groups in the Sinai, said that the first meeting in this series was held last week. The purpose of this "political track" was to prevent the reproduction of the former exclusively military approach to the problem. "We are moving as fast as possible in our attempts to engage these movements in dialogue so that they do not become embroiled in violent confrontations with security agencies and in the hope of persuading them to join the Construction and Development Party's battle for the restoration of stability."

Ghorab, a lawyer by profession, said, "we spent time in prison with these people at the time of the clampdowns under the former regime. So we respect one another, which is why we were given permission to launch this dialogue for the sake of stability. We believe that these groups, some of which were armed, are no longer necessary under the new regime, which we support. However, there are some people with the old security mindset that do not want to handle this diplomatically and are bent on dragging us backwards. This is why the government and its security agencies need to be purged of supporters of the old regime and people who refuse to deal with this on the basis of the higher national interest. We are preparing a report condemning the security agencies on this score. But, even if the battle between the Jihadists and the old guard is over, the change in government means that people have to change their attitudes and beliefs. This applies to both Islamist and non-Islamist movements."

On the progress made in the dialogues, Ghorab says, "in our previous meeting with these groups we established that they had no connection whatsoever with the Rafah incident and that this incident was the work of foreign forces that were determined to tamper with the security in the Sinai using agents on the ground. There are genuine fears that Mossad has infiltrated the area and that the danger includes attempts to obstruct development in this impoverished area." Pausing to point out that his team submits regular reports to the president's office on the meetings, Ghorab continued: "We have virtually certain information that [the Rafah] operation was masterminded by foreign saboteurs and that it is not the work of Islamists. All the Islamists, including the militant ones, believe that they should not work against the president and, also, that they should work for the realisation of security and stability."

Ghorab is of the conviction that the former regime had set the Jihadist groups against it because of its pro-Western and pro-colonialist policies. "In fact, there are still many who regard the Sinai as though it were a milk cow," he said. But now, he continued, these [Jihadist] movements have become engaged in the political process and they have no desire to confront the state because they are convinced of the need to work with it."

Ghorab agrees that the military track of Operation Eagle has accomplished many of its objectives even if its successes have not been made public yet. "There is physical and eyewitness testimony, and agents who are unconnected with the Jihadist groups have been arrested," he said.

With respect to the security protocols associated with the Camp David agreement, Ghorab believes that they may have been instrumental in creating the security vacuum in the Sinai. In his opinion, the protocols needed to be reviewed and perhaps the peace agreement itself should be reconsidered. "Abolishing the treaty would not mean war," he stressed. He quickly added, "It is the political leadership that has to take the necessary decisions on this matter, for it possesses the relevant information that no one else has access to. At the political level, there has to be change. The political leadership appreciates this and we have confidence in that leadership."

Not all share Ghorab's faith in the dialogue track. A high-level source who had served as a senior officer in General Intelligence held that so far the dialogues produced little more than "dust in our eyes". "These groups fully control their members, some of whom the security agencies have caught in connection with the Rafah incident and others of which have been connected with other attacks, such as the bombings of the natural gas pipeline in the Sinai. So, if those Jihadists really want to cooperate with the government, they need to offer something tangible instead of just airy arguments, which is all we have seen until now."

Nor did the former intelligence official reserve great praise for Operation Eagle. "Its accomplishments are not clear, for it has not furnished any visual evidence of any progress. In all events, it wasn't necessary to bring in all those tanks, which only worked to fabricate a crisis with Israel. We have special airborne forces that are fully capable of dealing with the situation. They can put an end to the terrorist lairs and shut down the mountain caves and the tunnels for good, and they can remain on the ready to respond immediately to any danger." With regard to the reports regarding tactical redeployment, he said, "they suggest that we are looking at a long-term operation in the Sinai with the purpose of keeping it under siege and hunting down outlaws. Instead of relying on soldiers, it would be better to use radar warning systems that constantly scan the area."

A former political prisoner who belonged to the Jihad organisation and is now an academician specialising in Jihadist movements believes that the group that is currently conducting the dialogues in the Sinai is seeking to score political gains under the new regime. Previously, this group had scored considerable material gains in its capacity as the Islamist Lawyers Group which had defended members of Jihadist organisations in trials that took place under the old regime. The source went on to say, "the map of the Jihadists in the Sinai is diffuse and cannot be easily brought under control because their cells are dispersed over a large area. Also, the main Jihadist cells are opposed to dialogue and do not approve of the people who are holding the dialogues on the grounds that those people had lured former comrades into making ideological retractions. The main Jihadist cells now regard those former comrades as turncoats. They also reject dialogue with the government because it has not proclaimed an Islamic state and established rule by Islamic law. Accordingly, they believe that dialogue is futile." The source adds, "I don't know who imposed this idea of dialogue on the government because it is a strategic mistake."


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Brains behind the buttons

An alleged drug baron whose shady relationship with the former regime reportedly includes involvement in the orchestrated rioting and violence that accompanied the revolution is nabbed, Ramy Yassin reports

At the headquarters of the Lawyers Syndicate, the syndicate's Freedoms Committee is scheduled to hold a conference today, Thursday, to reply to statements made on 28 August by Justice Minister Ahmed Mekki about a new draft law to amend the current emergency law. Talk about a new emergency law has stirred debate about a possible presidential intention to revive the state of emergency which was lifted in May by a decree of the then ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF).

The interior minister's statements about the necessity of applying the emergency law to confront thuggery has turned public doubts into near certainty.

According to Bahieddin Hassan, director of the Cairo Centre for Human Rights Studies, non-stop efforts to apply the emergency law once again means the Muslim Brotherhood finds difficulty in ruling Egyptians and controlling its opponents.

During a three-hour meeting held last week with a group of human rights activists, Mekki explained the aim behind issuing the new draft law and pledged that it will not be passed unless it is approved in a nationwide referendum.

The new draft, Mekki said, aims at "filtering the current faulty legislation of all the articles which shackle freedoms. So, if there is a state of emergency, the law will be void of all such ill-reputed articles," Mekki said, noting that the new amendments introduced to the law will maintain detainees' rights and guarantee that they will not be referred to the courts.

Mekki denied being instructed in any way by President Mohamed Mursi to issue the new draft. He stressed that he prepared the draft in his capacity as an Egyptian citizen before taking the ministerial seat.

By means of the new legislation, a presidential decree announcing the state of emergency should be referred to parliament within seven days following its issue to decide what should be done in this regard. The period defined for applying the state of emergency should not be extended unless getting public approval via a referendum.

However, while the state of emergency is applied, the president is entitled to issue a decree that would enforce censorship over newspapers and publications. The would-be legislation obliges the interior minister to inform the parliament, the Supreme Judiciary Council (SJC) and the National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) of names of detainees, reasons of their detention and their whereabouts every month. The new draft lends the president, in exceptional cases, the right to refer crimes of premeditated murder, robbery, blocking roads, and destroying public utilities to military tribunals.

Mekki's statements were disappointing to political figures and legal activists who regard Mekki as one of the defenders of freedom, and who wonder about the necessity of amending such a law now. "Everyone was shocked to hear Mekki, a reformist, veteran judge, talking about reviving a law which sickened Egyptians for almost 30 years," Mohamed El-Damati, deputy chairman of the Lawyers Syndicate, told Al-Ahram Weekly. "What doubles our shock is that Mekki took such a step a few months after the SCAF abolished the state of emergency."

According to legal experts, abolishing the state of emergency does not mean that the emergency law was annulled. Emergency Law 162/1958 still exists.

While admitting that the emergency law exists in all world countries, El-Damati stressed that it is applied in very limited cases, for example, when there are earthquakes, plagues or when a state of war is announced. "Confronting acts thuggery does not need an emergency law, as the current penal code and the law of legal procedures are enough to meet security challenges," El-Damati noted.

Lawyers Syndicate Chairman Sameh Ashour was quoted by the daily Al-Ahram as saying "we are not in need of passing such a law before the issue of the new constitution, which will define the main features for any law."

A statement issued by the leftist Tagammu Party stressed that the new draft law will open detention camps and stifle freedom once again. In the statement, the Tagammu called upon all political forces to unite "as one man" and to press for aborting the draft.

In a statement, the Egyptian Communist Party condemned the "arbitrary system which increases the structure of legislation that shackle freedoms," and warned of attempts to bring back Mubarak's system "that applied the emergency law for 30 years to harass opponents and silence outspoken critics."


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Stepping up the money hunt

Hopes are high that a newly-formed national commission will be able to recover money smuggled abroad by members of the former Mubarak regime, writes Gamal Essam El-Din

Egypt's Islamist President Mohamed Mursi is about to issue a presidential decree to set up a national commission entrusted with recovering money smuggled outside Egypt by the family and cronies of ousted former president Hosni Mubarak.

The six-article decree states that the new commission will open an inquiry into all reports and lawsuits regarding money smuggled out of Egypt since 1992. A technical secretariat will be formed to take the measures necessary to trace the wealth of Mubarak, his family and henchmen.

"The secretariat will conduct negotiations with all international and regional organisations and foreign countries to gather as much information about Mubarak's wealth as possible," Article 2 of the decree says.

Article 5 states that the Ministry of Finance will open a special bank account at the Central Bank of Egypt for money recovered from abroad. Article 6 will make it obligatory for all state institutions to surrender the documents necessary for the commission to move forward.

Some sources put Mubarak's wealth at more than $70 billion, most of it in the UK and Switzerland. The fact that Mubarak's wife Suzanne is Anglo-Egyptian caused the family to invest most of its wealth in England, sources say. Legal experts in Egypt have lamented the fact that the British authorities are not helping in recovering money possessed by the Mubarak family in the UK.

The UK government announced this week that it was planning to send an expert to Egypt to help recover Mubarak's money. While UK Foreign Secretary William Hague once said that the UK was ready to offer all the help necessary to Egypt to recover the stolen money, his statement has never given rise to any concrete steps.

Hossam Eissa, a legal expert and member of the new commission, said "there should be adequate documented information about the money stolen and smuggled out of Egypt, so that European countries will assist in recovering this money."

Eissa criticised the UK for not doing enough to help Egypt in tracing the Mubarak family's illegal wealth in the UK. A report by the BBC this week indicated that the wealth of Mubarak's family in the UK was estimated at some 85 billion pounds sterling (about $135 billion) and that regime cronies also possess more than 15 billion pounds sterling in assets and personal accounts in the UK.

The report said a house owned by Gamal Mubarak in London's Knightsbridge district is estimated to be worth 10 million pounds sterling.

The wealth of the cronies of the former Mubarak regime has been the focus of public attention lately, when an investigative judge decided to place former presidential candidate and Mubarak's last prime minister Ahmed Shafik on a watch list on 29 August.

Shafik will be questioned over alleged corruption, notably by helping Mubarak's two sons Alaa and Gamal to obtain 40,000 metres of land near Ismailia at the low price of 70 piastres per metre. A complaint filed by Essam Sultan, a former parliamentary deputy and lawyer, alleged that Shafik had used his position as chair of the Association of Air Pilots in 1993 to sell Gamal and Alaa the land.

On Monday, the investigative judge, Osama El-Saidi, ordered that Nabil Shukri, former chair of the association, be placed in custody after he admitted being forced by Shafik to help Gamal and Alaa obtain the land.

Shafik's lawyer strongly denied that his client had been involved in corruption. Shafik, currently in Abu Dhabi, said "the charges levelled against me are politically motivated."

"An avalanche of accusations was directed at me after the end of the presidential elections, but this was no surprise due to the power of one party going after me," he said, referring to the Muslim Brotherhood, to which Shafik's opponent Mohamed Mursi, now Egypt's president, belongs.

Shafik's lawyer, Shawqi El-Sayed, said the complaints filed against Shafik were malicious and aimed at tarnishing his image. El-Sayed said Shafik had never been summoned for questioning and that his defence team should be informed of any charges against him.

Yehia Qadri, another of Shafik's lawyers, said that "Mubarak's two sons Gamal and Alaa bought the land from the board of the Association of the Air Pilots in 1990 and before Shafik was appointed its chairman in 1992." He said that "Shafik had just signed the purchase contract when Alaa and Gamal wanted to document it with the public notary."

Joining forces with Shafik, prominent sociologist Saadeddin Ibrahim said that "Islamist facism is out to get Shafik and all those who attacked the Muslim Brotherhood."

Closely related to the charges against Shafik are two complaints filed against Sami Anan, former military chief of staff and deputy chairman of the former ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, and Mohamed El-Tohami, former chair of the Administrative Control Authority (ACA).

Lawyer Samir Sabri has charged that Anan made a huge amount of money from houses and plots of land in the upscale Golf district east of Cairo. "Anan violated the law by obtaining two plots of land in the same district, the first estimated at 600 metres and the second at around 1,000 metres," Sabri said.

President Mursi awarded Anan the Medal of the Republic when he was sent into retirement on 12 August, leading some to think that Anan would be immune to subsequent investigation.

El-Tohami is accused of using his position between 2008 and 2012 to help businessmen and cronies of the former regime to avoid investigation or trial.

In his complaint, Moetasem Fathi, a former ACA officer, said "El-Tohami declined to give the prosecution authorities documents about the corruption of former Mubarak regime officials and helped fake documents so they could avoid persecution."

Eissa said "it is natural that the wealth of Mubarak and his cronies will remain a major public issue for some time. We have a lot of statements and documents about the wealth of the former regime to look into, but it will take a while to make sure these are soundly based."

"Some of the complaints filed against former regime officials could be motivated by revenge and a desire to settle accounts. For this reason, we have high hopes that the new commission will put the inquiries on the right track," he said.

On 29 August after a year-and-a-half of inquiries, the state-affiliated Illicit Gains Authority (IGA) decided to refer Safwat El-Sherif, Mubarak's long-time minister of information and secretary-general of the former ruling National Democratic Party, for trial on charges of profiteering and securing wealth estimated at LE300 million ($50 million) by illegal means.

The IGA said El-Sherif, also former chairman of the Shura Council, the upper house of the Egyptian parliament, and his two sons Ashraf and Ihab had illegally taken possession of 56 villas, chalets and plots of land.

It said that El-Sherif had built a mosque on a plot of land he owned illegally. The report added that El-Sherif's two sons had used their father's job as minister of information to build a media empire that was able to manipulate television satellite channels.

El-Sherif is currently facing trial on charges of masterminding attacks on peaceful protesters in Cairo's Tahrir Square during the revolution. He is one of several former Mubarak regime officials to be under investigation, among them Fathi Sorour, former speaker of the People's Assembly, who faces charges of manslaughter and profiteering.


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Disputes plague the draft constitution

The 100-member constituent assembly has been moving by leaps and bounds to finalise Egypt's draft constitution, reports Gamal Essam El-Din Members of the constituent assembly are on the verge of finalising the constitution

Officials from Egypt's constitution-drafting assembly are doing their best to finalise the country's new draft constitution over the period of the next one or two months. They have high hopes that the constitution will be drafted and approved in a referendum before a court order invalidating the assembly can be issued, halting the process.

Farid Ismail, a leading member of the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) and a member of the assembly, said last week that the draft constitution would be finalised by the upcoming Eid Al-Adha holiday in late October or early November. This is in contrast to other officials, who have recently said that the draft constitution would be ready by late September.

However, assembly spokesperson Wahid Abdel-Meguid has said that no statements can be made about the exact date when the draft constitution will be completed because of the disagreements that still plague the drafting committees.

These have been nowhere clearer than in the debates in the two committees in charge of drafting the constitution's chapters on the system of government and freedoms and rights.

The system of government committee, headed by constitutional law professor Gamal Gibril, has said that members have voted in favour of a presidential-parliamentary mixed system for Egypt.

"The US-style presidential system or Indian-style parliamentary system cannot be embraced by Egypt at the moment," Gibril said, adding that "we think it best to embark upon a mixed presidential-parliamentary system." This would mean that "the president of the republic will be forced to entrust the party that gets a majority in parliament with forming the government."

Gibril indicated that the committee wanted the present bicameral system to be kept in place. Under the proposals, the People's Assembly, Egypt's lower house of parliament, would be called the "House of Representatives", while the Shura Council, the upper house, would be called the "Senate".

According to Gibril, the House of Representatives would have complete legislative and supervisory powers. The Senate would have legislative powers and would also endorse senior officials, such as ambassadors, before they were officially appointed by the president of the republic.

"It is also proposed that the Senate supervise local councils," Gibril said.

Sobhi Saleh, a prominent FJP lawyer and member of the assembly, said members were divided over the issue of whether provincial governors should be elected or appointed under the new system.

Saleh said that most members favoured the president appointing governors, while giving elected local councils greater powers. "The governors will be in charge of seeing that local councils do not violate the law and that they implement the state's development plans," Saleh said.

Saleh indicated that most members were in favour of rejecting Minister of Justice Ahmed Mekki's proposal to group all the country's courts into one unified system.

"We think that the judicial authorities must remain independent, especially the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC), which will remain independent and be regulated under a separate chapter of the constitution," Saleh said.

He added that 33 supervisory agencies would be grouped under a single authority called the "National Council to Combat Corruption". This authority would investigate allegations of corruption and refer officials for questioning by the "administrative prosecution office", which would have sweeping powers.

Sharp divisions have erupted over how the new constitution would regulate military courts. Members of the former ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) want military and civil courts to be regulated under a single chapter of the new constitution. "This is to stress that both kinds of courts are the same in terms of guarantees of fairness," said SCAF member Mamdouh Shahin.

However, Shahin's argument did not strike a chord with most members of the assembly, especially the law professors. Ramadan Batikh, a professor of constitutional law, said that the military courts should be restructured to comply with the guarantees and requirements adopted in the civil courts.

Batikh said that "this issue will be left to the general meetings of the assembly to decide."

Meanwhile, Islamist members of the assembly have strongly objected to suggestions that new presidential elections be held after the constitution is approved by referendum, going against the demands of some liberal and leftist figures.

Former presidential-election candidate Hamdeen Sabahi said that "once the constitution has been promulgated, it would be natural for new presidential elections to be held."

According to senior FJP official Essam El-Erian, "when the people elected Mohamed Mursi as president of Egypt in June, they wanted him to stay in office for four years, so calls for new elections after the constitution has been drafted are not allowed."

Members of the assembly were also divided over whether the president should be able to declare war. Islamists led by El-Erian said that "the president should have an absolute right to declare war after consulting with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the National Defence Council [NDC]," adding that the president need not take their advice.

Liberal members of the assembly objected to granting the president absolute power to declare war, presumably especially if he is an Islamist, such as being a member of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Nour Ali, a liberal member of the assembly's Freedoms and Rights Committee, said that "most members believe that the president should not be given a free hand in declaring war and that he should consult with the SCAF and the NDC and seek the approval of the People's Assembly first."

Ali said that "Article 85 of the constitution regulating any declaration of war should be left to the 100-member assembly to decide on its final text in a plenary meeting."

The chapter of the constitution on freedoms and rights also witnessed fierce debates, with there being sharp disagreements over Article 2 that regulates the application of Islamic Sharia law. Salafi members of the assembly want the article to say that "Islamic Sharia [rather than the principles of Islamic Sharia] should be the major source of legislation in Egypt."

However, Ali said that "a majority of assembly members, including Brotherhood activists, want to see the text of this article from the 1971 Constitution remain in place, affirming that 'the principles of Islamic Sharia' should be the major source of legislation in Egypt."

Salah Abdel-Maqsoud, a member of the assembly and of the Salafist Nour Party, said on Tuesday that the issue of Article 2 would be resolved by a vote in the general committee of the assembly. Liberal and civil parties demanded that the article be kept unchanged to maintain the civil nature of the Egyptian state.

According to Abdel-Maqsoud, the vote on the article would offer three options: either that the article stay as it is in the 1971 Constitution, or that the phrase "principles of" be removed, making Islamic law the main source of legislation, or that the 1971 version of the article stay as it is with Al-Azhar being given the right to decide on particular pieces of legislation.

"An article concerning members of other religions was inserted in the freedoms and rights chapter of the constitution," Abdel-Maqsoud said, adding that he wanted to see Al-Azhar being made a "reference" in the chapter of basic principles.

Wahid Abdel-Meguid said there would be a great leap forward for press freedoms in the new constitution, since the chapter on freedoms and rights had been drafted to ensure that journalists accused of publication offences did not face time in jail.

"This is a giant step forward, especially since the draft stipulates that lawsuits against journalists cannot be filed by persons not directly affected by the published materials," Abdel-Meguid said.

The text of Article 12, which deals with the freedoms and rights of journalists, reads in draft that "lawsuits against journalists can only be filed by persons directly affected by publication offences; if journalists are convicted, they will not be sent to jail."

Instead of jail sentences, journalists could be fined large sums of money, he said.

Ordinary people would also be given the right to publish newspapers for the first time, meaning that this right is "no longer confined to companies, public institutions and political parties," he said.

"Article 10 of the same chapter will be drafted to prevent the closing of newspapers by judicial or administrative order," he said, though FJP official El-Erian appeared to disagree when he said that "we are all for press freedoms, but we are against the freedom of journalists to slander citizens and public officials."

El-Erian said that "journalists convicted of publication offences, for example spreading lies, would not be sent to jail, but those found guilty of direct libel would be subject to the penal code, which imposes a jail sentence."

Younis Makhyoun, a member of the Nour Party, said that "it is essential that journalists accused of libel and slander face jail terms, while for other offences, such as disseminating lies, it is enough for them to face tremendous fines."

The clash over press freedoms comes against the backdrop of a hostile campaign led by leading figures of the Muslim Brotherhood against what they deem to be insults directed against the president.

According to chair of the Shura Council and FJP official Ahmed Fahmi, "we are in favour of press freedoms, but we are against press hooligans who are fond of insulting public officials without risking harsh punishment."


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Tehran timeline

Abdel-Moneim SaidWhile the location of Tehran may have added a historic dimension to this year's NAM summit, most everything else appeared as business as usual, writes Abdel-Moneim Said

The world of international diplomacy has a way of preserving international organisations and conventions even when there is no longer any need for them. As a result, these organisations or conventions have an amazing ability to survive long after the historical circumstances that gave rise to them have ended and after the founding nations, themselves, have changed and, worse, when the newcomers are clueless as regards the original motives and ideas that led to their creation. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a prime instance of one of those auto-driven organisations whose members are compelled to meet, not in order to achieve some objective but simply for the sake of meeting. Not that the speechwriters for the NAM president lack for "essential" justifications for convening a summit that brings together the heads of member states and that, in and of itself, is an "accomplishment". After all, who can predict the fruits that will develop when adversaries meet and rub shoulders, or when one president sits next to another at a banquet table? Undoubtedly, this is why it is very rare that anyone bothers to consider what happens between one summit and the next, for nothing will prevent NAM members from repeating the same exercise as predictably as ever.

To my generation, which grew up under the generation of Third World leaders of the 1950s and 1960s, the creation of NAM was a watershed in the history of the national liberation struggle. Newly independent states were taking up UN seats in rapid succession at a time when the Cold War was spiralling and its chief antagonists were exerting enormous pressures on the still tender shoots of the emergent nations. Whether for economic or strategic reasons, some of these nations immediately chose to side with either the socialist or capitalist camp. Regardless of which side they chose, the sense of dependency put them under constant moral and psychological strain. What was the point of all those sacrifices that were made for the sake of independence if these former colonies were only to end up in an orbit in which they would still have no say in their own fate? It was this very dilemma that gave rise to the notion of what was first referred to as "positive neutrality". A product of the Bandung conference of 1955, the concept held that it was not enough for newly independent nations to be passively neutral, like Switzerland. They needed to act constructively in order to alleviate the international tensions generated by the Cold War, especially given that the risks of the nuclear game would not be borne by the opposing camps alone.

The concept was originally championed by Nehru, Nasser and Tito, which is to say India, Egypt and Yugoslavia. Subsequently, many other countries that fell in the orbit of the soviet or capitalist camp came to support it. However, the Non-Aligned Movement represented a third option, a way for many national leaders to "whitewash" dependency. Thus, NAM broadened to include most of the countries of the Third World. They climbed on board and stayed aboard even after the celebrated leaderships that led them to independence had passed away or were overthrown by coups or simply crumbled, and even after the Cold War ended and the Soviet Union and its camp collapsed. As for the original founders, Yugoslavia disintegrated into several countries, India's drive to become a great power brought it into the Western camp where markets and technological progress abound, and Egypt signed a peace treaty with Israel and forged a strategic relationship with the US. More significantly, there arose some far more powerful and effective international organisations with some very specific goals, such as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, which includes most industrialised nations, and the G8 whose members consist of those powers that control the lion's share of the global economy. Meanwhile, NAM continues as ever. It convenes its summits periodically and its member states take their turns in the presidential seat. At the time of the last summit, Egypt held the chair and hosted the convention in Cairo with Hosni Mubarak presiding. This year the summit took place in Tehran against a historic backdrop very different to anything that preceded it. There were heads of state and national representatives of lower rank, although the meeting went ahead regardless of the status of the attendees. The political context was certainly unlike that which characterised all previous summits, which had all the excitement of arriving at a party just as all the guests are leaving. The context this year is an international conflict in which Iran is a chief protagonist. Some may argue that an element of the old Cold War still exists because of the tensions between Russia and the US. However, Russia is not the USSR and there is a world of difference between the mortal animosity that characterised the old Cold War and the sharp differences of opinion and conflicting interests that are often overridden by many types of cooperation between Washington and Moscow today. As for the notion of a global bipolarity between the US and China, that remains in the metaphysical realm. So this leaves Iran as a party to a conflict that has elements of a cold war, in which the other side consists of the US and Israel, backed by the West in general, which is driving to break Tehran through boycotts, sanctions and other means of pressure. These elements are combined with the spectre of a "hot war" that both sides seem to be preparing for as though it were about to erupt tomorrow morning. In other words, Iran can hardly be described as non-aligned or even positively neutral and constructively seeking to promote noble goals. It is caught in a mill that none of the participants in the NAM summit knew how to deal with apart from appealing to Tehran to demonstrate that it intends its nuclear programme for peaceful purposes.

Against this tense backdrop Egypt made its first appearance in a new form. During the past few decades, Egypt generally regarded NAM as one of those heavy but unavoidable obligations it inherited but often felt duty-bound to observe in order to show its gratitude to countries that had stood by it in difficult times while simultaneously realising that the alliance could come in handy when something new cropped up with regard to the Palestinian cause or the application of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to Israel. But all this had little relevance on this occasion. What marked this occasion, for Egypt, was that this was the first NAM summit it attended following the Egyptian revolution and the subsequent democratic elections that brought to power a president who is a member of the Muslim Brotherhood movement. Egypt is still in the early phases of this change, but we can say that it is no longer the purely pragmatic Egypt that acted in accordance with the dictates of circumstance and the existing balances of power, as was the case under Mubarak, but rather an Egypt in which ideological motives are tempered by the force of the continuity of the Egyptian state and its foreign policy outlooks.

This new mixture has not yet settled, for which reason the force of continuity is what ultimately defined President Mursi's map of action on his way to the conference. There was no question of him not going, because his attendance was required by virtue of the diplomatic obligations that remain incumbent upon the state and its presidency, and because no one has the right to tell this state how to act with respect to a movement of which it was one of the chief founders. Above all, there were also Egyptian interests to pursue.

For Mursi, the summit amounted to a four-hour trip, of which 40 minutes were spent in a meeting with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Perhaps the visit was purely symbolic, but it carried some powerful messages. For one, it was impossible to keep Nasser out of the picture. As one of NAM's founding fathers, he remains an asset of the Egyptian state, however bitter the animosity had once been between this state and the Muslim Brotherhood. At the same time, the Syrian question, which loomed heavily over the meeting, served to demarcate some clear lines between the policy outlooks of Egypt and Iran, thereby driving home to people in the West and in the Gulf that the NAM summit was, indeed, a convocation of independent sovereign states, not a platform for Islamic revolutions. Finally, while all due respect was given to Shia Islam, Egypt remains a Sunni country and, therefore, still a member of a camp to which it belonged in the former era. Tehran may have been the setting, but ultimately the Egyptian state was engaged in the routine business of carrying out foreign policy in a conventional summit.


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الاثنين، 17 سبتمبر 2012

The elephant vanishes

Venus Fouad makes a virtual journey to a land of colour and charm

There has been a recent rise in the popularity of photography, both as a documentary tool and an artistic genre. The boost mobile phones have given to public appreciation of this medium is evident: the prolific documentation of the 25 January Revolution is just one example of it.

In recent years, foreign cultural centres have been inviting Egyptian photographers to events and activities abroad. The "Thailand Through Egyptian Lenses" exhibition by photographer Koukla Rifaat is the fruit of such cooperation

Rifaat travelled to Thailand in February 2012 on a trip organised by the Thai Embassy in Cairo. The journey culminated in the exhibition at the Cairo Opera House and a book entitled The Dance of Life: the Journey of an Egyptian Young Woman in Thailand.

Koukla Rifaat graduated from the Modern Sciences and Arts (MSA) University in Cairo in 2007 with a degree in mass communication and advertising. She studied photography at the SPEOS Institute in Paris and won awards from the Sawi Culturewheel in 2004 and 2005. Her work has been featured in Photo of the Month in the prestigious blog Photo Burst.

Since 2008, Rifaat has branched out into documentary photography. A journey to Kerala and Delhi, India in 2009 resulted in an exhibition on the art of Kathakali, also at the Cairo Opera House. Since then, she has been travelling the world in search of new adventures.

Rifaat's style combines artistic and documentary techniques, producing a genre that blends photojournalism with storytelling. Speaking of her current exhibition, she says it was an attempt to shed light on different cultures and creeds.

"My aim is to give the public a chance to relive what I experienced first hand, to bring them close to the life of people who live in different societies. I want to give people a chance to learn about the creeds and cultures and arts of other people, so that they can transcend the gap, no longer viewing others as mere strangers living in distant tribal or ethnic groups," she says.

Before travelling to Thailand, Rifaat had seen images of the country resplendent with elephants, beautiful colours and great beaches. When she arrived there, however, it seemed to her to be much more than a popular honeymoon destination.

"I learnt more about the culture and society, because I had the opportunity to observe the things casual visitors would miss. This is what I tried to capture with my camera."

On several visits to temples and mosques she was impressed by the religious and social harmony of the country. She also fell in love with the variety of dancing styles -- Khon, Wai Khru and other routines -- which are all thematic, part of a long-standing theatrical tradition.

"The dances embody the beauty and peace that are so deep-rooted in culture. They also reflect respect for the individual, which is the essence of Thai culture."

One thing that attracted her attention was the fact that the national anthem was played on loudspeakers twice a day. The Thai people would stop what they were doing and listen to the anthem. Other things reminded her of Egypt.

"There are things in common, such as the importance of the family and the difference in roles between men and women, even the sebai-sebai attitude, meaning that everything is just fine."

In Dance of Life Rifaat relates the story of her journey in Thailand, maintaining that everything she saw was a dance of sounds, colours and nature.

"I felt that with every step I took I was cutting small pieces of a mosaic which I would put together later to make a bigger picture of Thailand, a country like no other."

Thailand is not the only country Rifaat has documented in recent years. Previously she travelled to the magical island of Bali in Indonesia, where she photographed religious ceremonies and spiritual rituals.

In 2010, Rifaat climbed Mount Kilimanjaro as part of the Right to Climb Initiative, which publicised the needs of people with special needs in Egypt.

Rifaat's exhibition is one of few artistic endeavours that aim to rediscover human similarities everywhere. Let us hope there will be many more such documentary adventures.


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In Focus: Peace treaty must be revised

Galal NassarInsecurity in Sinai could engulf the whole country, already teetering following the revolution. Egypt must act, which means first untying its hands, writes Galal Nassar

Egypt is in a state of disarray. In spite of the great Egyptian grassroots revolution, anarchy remained the primary trait of the transitional period, regardless of the degree to which it was fed by political developments, constitutional and legal controversies, and major and minor events in the capital, up and down the Nile from Alexandria to Aswan, and along the fringes of the country, in Sinai, Al-Wadi Al-Gadid and Marsa Matrouh. The chaos, aggravated by mounting polarisations between the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the Muslim Brotherhood, and other political forces, has persisted in spite of the election of a new president. But more than any other locus of tension in the country, the current conflict in Sinai epitomises the crisis of the erosion of central control, security breakdown, and their socio-political and strategic ramifications. The recent events in Sinai, which were triggered by the terrorist attack that killed 16 Egyptian soldiers, cast to the fore numerous crucial domestic and foreign policy questions not least of which are the security of Sinai and Egyptian-Israeli relations.

The situation in Sinai had already begun to deteriorate well before the January Revolution. This was largely due to two factors. The first was the security agencies' mismanagement of a series of difficulties and crises in that area, generating a growing gap between the people of Sinai and the central government. On one side, some entertained doubts as to the patriotism of the Sinai Bedouin in spite of the fact that they bore the burden of the resistance against the Israeli occupation of Sinai following the 1967 war. On the other was mounting resentment against a regime that ignored the developmental needs of Sinai, failed to open job opportunities to Sinai youth in tourist projects that proliferated after control over the area was restored to Egypt, and did not recruit them into military academies as a means to assimilate Sinai's society into national structures. The second factor was the spread of extremist thought in a religious guise during the Sadat and Mubarak eras. Almost intrinsically hostile to many domestic and foreign policy orientations, that type of thought inevitably spread to Sinai.

As the situation in Sinai deteriorated in the Mubarak era, Israel increasingly began to complain that this posed a threat to its own security. While a chief cause of that situation -- the malpractices of the security agencies -- may have been eliminated following the January Revolution, the grip of the central state had weakened at the same time. In Sinai, that grip became almost non-existent. The result was an unprecedented boost to terrorist groups operating in that area. They became increasingly active and more and more audacious until the latest tragic attack. The repercussions of their activities also became increasingly dangerous, especially after Israel was forced to respond to the latest attack when two of the terrorists stormed across the border into Israeli territory. Israel has since seized upon this incident as a pretext for levelling harsh criticisms against Egyptian policy in Sinai and calling into question Egypt's ability to control that peninsula. This, in turn, has stirred suspicions in Egypt that Israel may be planning to reoccupy part of Sinai or to grant itself licence to undertake military operations there or, at the very least, to call for an international force to be stationed on our side of the border.

Islamist political forces and the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) in particular were quick to accuse Israel of being behind the latest attack, though to be fair a number of non-Islamist forces shared the opinion. Nevertheless, I believe that part of the Islamists' motive for pointing fingers in that direction was to deflect blame from themselves. The terrorists espouse extremist ideas that they erroneously attribute to Islam, upon which Islamist forces presumably base their political legitimacy. Also, in the immediate aftermath of the Rafah attack, President Mohamed Mursi came under fire for his "ill-considered" decision to establish closer relations with Hamas. It was argued that steps taken in this context made it easier for terrorist groups in Gaza to coordinate with and join their counterparts in Sinai in order to carry out the attack. Mursi was simultaneously criticised for his decision to grant amnesties to prisoners who had been found guilty of involvement in terrorist attacks that had claimed the lives of many Egyptians and foreigners. The critics hold that the amnesties helped create a climate conducive to terrorism which encouraged those who carried out the Rafah attack and could inspire similar attacks in the future, and all the more so if the newly released persons turn around and issue supportive "fatwas" or even actively collude in plots.

Naturally, there is always some logical basis for suspecting Israel. It remains the foremost threat to Egypt's national security to which history offers ample testimony. However, if blame is to be cast, at the very least it should be founded upon concrete evidence and clearheaded reasoning so that we do not find ourselves chasing after groundless hypotheses that prevent us from properly attributing responsibility and, hence, from ending the vicious cycle of insecurity and instability in Sinai. Proceeding from this basis, three observations weaken the contention that Israel was behind the recent attack. First, it issued several warnings of an impending attack and sufficiently in advance to give Egyptian security agencies time to take precautions. Second, sources in SCAF mentioned that the terrorists had received support from inside Gaza while they were carrying out their operation. Apparently, mortar bombs were fired from the vicinity of Gaza airport with the purpose of distracting Israeli forces from what was happening in Sinai. Third, there is no denying the already dangerously deteriorating situation that existed in Sinai and the gross negligence on our part in handling that situation. That security breakdown, mismanagement, general anarchy and disintegration at the fringes helped clear the way for the operation, regardless of the ideological or national affiliation of the perpetrators.

So, what needs to be done? Egyptian military command has deployed land and air forces, destroyed tunnels that are often suspected of being used as a transit for terrorists, and laid siege to rugged mountainous areas used as terrorist hideouts. Often such measures produce immediate results. Unfortunately, however, the benefit is temporary because they fail to address the root causes. Recourse to the "iron fist" approach cannot, in and of itself, remedy the security breakdown, the root causes of which are to be found in economic, social and educational problems that lay the grounds for extremism. Simultaneously, the "iron fist" approach will remain a kind of mirage unless the protocols of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty are revised, especially with regards to the deployment of Egyptian forces in Area C in Sinai. The provisions of those protocols were originally devised on the basis of two fallacious assumptions: firstly, that Egypt poses a threat to Israeli security rather than the reverse; and secondly, that the only threat that Egypt faces comes from Israel. Theoretically, under a peace agreement, both assumptions are invalid. Be that as it may, the situation has changed radically since 1979, which should be reason enough for revising the treaty or even abolishing it. We cannot rule out, at this juncture, the possibility that some ultra-extremist forces assume power in Israel and execute a plan to reoccupy all or part of Sinai, or assume the right to send in forces in pursuit of targets or other "security" aims. More immediately, the provisions of the treaty do not reflect the reality that terrorism in Sinai is an immediate threat to Egypt before being a potential threat to Israel. While Israel has certainly given the Egyptian military command the green light to bring in forces that are not necessarily provided for under the arrangements of the peace agreement for the purpose of counterterrorist operations, there is no logical reason why Egypt should remain at the mercy of the whims of this or that Israeli government for permission to deploy our forces as needed on our own territory.

It follows that our primary concern, now, should be to push for a revision of the unfair conditions of the protocols of the peace treaty. Indeed, President Mursi should declare this as one of his foremost priorities. The treaty does provide for the possibility of amendment, but it requires the agreement of both sides in order to set the process into motion. Therefore, as a first step, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry should submit an official request to Israel for this purpose and the president should form a negotiating team, reminiscent of our "Taba team", consisting of our best legal, military and diplomatic experts. At the same time, we should pre-empt possible Israeli intransigence by bringing in reinforcements into Area C in sufficient force to confront the threat of terrorism in Sinai, for otherwise we will be laying ourselves open to the likelihood that intermittent terrorist attacks will escalate into a flood that could overflow the bounds of Sinai and threaten the entire country.

We cannot overstate the need to succeed in restoring security to Sinai. Success there will reverse the trend of deterioration and mounting anarchy and herald the restoration of stability throughout the country.


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MPLA preponderates

Gamal NkrumahButtressed by its landslide victory, Angola's ruling party must act now with a new mandate to bolster confidence among the country's youth, contends Gamal Nkrumah A man looks at a copy of the ballot poster at the entrance of a polling station in the Angolan capital Luanda during national elections

Wherever he goes Angolan President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, Africa's leading Communist capitalist cannot escape the question. When will the trickle-down effect impact the poorest of the poor in the third largest economy in Sub-Saharan Africa after South Africa and Nigeria -- except that South Africa has a population of 50 million and Nigeria a population of 170 million while Angola only has 20 million. With two-digit economic growth rates over the past decade half of the Angolan population lives below the poverty line.

The United Nations Human Development Index ranks Angola 148th out of 187 countries -- a paradoxically poor performance for one of Africa's wealthiest countries, one blessed with minerals galore, oil and natural gas, and tremendous agricultural potential.

Dos Santos understands that Angola is on course to become an African energy superpower, and the rejuvenation of Angola's capital city and other urban centres is a hopeful sign that the scars of the three decades long civil war are fast healing. Moreover, Angola long involved militarily in its northern neighbour, the Democratic Republic of Congo's civil war, has long pulled out of the Congolese imbroglio.

Angola's National Electoral Commission declared the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (better known by its Portuguese acronym MPLA) as having won a landslide victory of 72 per cent. Its onetime arch rival the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) scooped barely 19 per cent, almost doubling its 2008 tally. UNITA never survived the crushing blow of the assassination of its charismatic leader Jonas Savimbi, an ethnic Ovimbundu, in 2002.

The newly formed political party, the Salvation Electoral Commission CASA-CE trailed behind as a poor third with no more than six per cent. Predictably enough, what the Angolan media played down was that the turnout was down from 80 per cent during the last general elections in 2008 to 60 per cent last week.

"We will not allow a fraud to take place and we will not recognise the legitimacy of any government resulting from elections held outside the law," UNITA's leader Isaias Samakura ominously cautioned before the elections. The turnout in the Angolan capital Luanda, traditionally an MPLA stronghold, was less than 50 per cent. Meanwhile, the MPLA's campaign cost $70 million -- a substantial sum by African standards. UNITA, CASA-CE and civil society groups filed complaints and threatened a legal challenge.

Even now with Savimbi long dead, the doubters are asking many questions, a number of them reasonable enough, about the pace and process of multi-party democracy in Angola.

With its fabulous wealth the country, and the ruling party, do not want to be remembered as one of the wretchedly brief experiments in half-baked African democracies. The restless youth seem determined to run their own affairs, whatever the MPLA government may say. Dos Santos insists that Angola at least is heading in the right direction.

Angolans must be given the chance to disprove these prejudices against African democracy. The MPLA's role model appears to be South Africa's ruling African National Congress (ANC) -- a party that has monopolised power since the end of apartheid on 1994. Both South Africa's ANC and Angola's MPLA claim to be parties of the left -- in the MPLA's case it is avowedly a party with Marxist roots.

What was once Angola's Achilles heel is becoming a competitive advantage. The country was depopulated in the course of five centuries by Portuguese slave traders shipping hapless Angolans to Brazil primarily and South America more generally.

Next, the Portuguese instituted one of the most brutish colonial regimes on the African continent with ruthless exploitation of the peasantry and indentured labour. The Portuguese colonialists deliberately foisted tribal divisions and encouraged ethnic and tribal identities in a most ruinous divide and rule policy.

Angola's low population density has now become a decisive advantage. Still, Angola's ramshackle public services desperately need upgrading. The country has one of the highest rates of disabled people as direct result of the calamitous civil war that claimed the lives of countless Angolans. Dilapidated roads hamper rural development. It is against this grim backdrop that social tensions are brewing.

The Angolan capital Luanda has been home to the largest population of mixed race, or Mestizos residents in Africa, and they formed the basis of the MPLA to begin with. The Mestizos provided the bulk of the early nationalist, anti-colonial leaders and rank and file of the MPLA. Angola's late first president Augustino Neto and the current leader Eduardo dos Santos hail from the Mestizo community.

The MPLA has not yet quite shaken off that particular legacy yet, much to the chagrin of the Bantu groups, numerically far superior, such as the Ovimbundu, the country's most populous ethnic group, the closely related Mbundu and the Bakongo. Tribalism inevitably aggravates inequality, and political tribalism has played a dangerous, destructive and disgraceful role in Angolan politics.

The butchery was unsparing. The Angolan civil war ended exactly a decade ago in 2002. And, even as the MPLA attempts to attract a bigger following by staging musical festivals and carnivals where music blares and beer flows, anti-MPLA hip-hop blasting from the speakers of Luanda's candongeiros -- local dance halls. And, not to be outdone, the gangsters, or gatunos (criminals), and jobless youths wreaking havoc in the sprawling shantytowns surrounding Luanda deface the natural beauty and exuberance of the Angolan environment and its people.

None of this is an excuse for failing to act or stifling criticism. In Angola, like in South Africa, there is no time for tribalism. But there are serious differences between the ANC and the MPLA.

Angola urgently needs a more diversified economy. Strong energy revenues have not benefited the most disadvantaged groups of Angolans. South Africa's domestic market could form a solid foundation for its manufacturers to become exporters, reducing its dependence on minerals and agricultural produce. There is a fair amount of industry left in post-apartheid South Africa and that has prospects of competing in the regional, continental and international markets. Angola is bound to rely on energy and minerals for its economic growth and prosperity.

This is the root of it all -- slavery, colonialism and civil war. One of the under-appreciated trends is the rich musical tradition that gives the country its special character. The country is famous for its Kizomba dance and musical style with soft melodies to match the fast-paced Kuduru Techno-House music unique to Angola. Kizomba, Angola's answer to Argentina's Tango is a derivative of Semba, the traditional seductive Bantu "touch of the bellies" dance.

Kazutuka, Kabetula are Congolese, or Bakongo-style dances from northern Angola and the Rebita dance, like Kizomba is danced to songs with Portuguese lyrics. Kilapanda and Angolan Merengue stir the spirit of the nation. Angola's rich cultural heritage lends it a unique place in Africa and the Lusophone world.

If only. There is also the current trend of corruption in high places. And, the spectre of tribalism and ethnic strife haunts the sprawling country. The Ambundu, or northern Mbundu, who constitute around a quarter of the population of the country rival the southern Mbundu, or Ovimbundu, Angola's largest ethnic group constituting around 40 per cent of the total population of the country. The Bakongo in the far north are the third largest ethnic group with slightly less than 15 per cent of the Angolan population.

From its Marxist beginnings, the MPLA today appears as a plutocratic party of the prosperous top echelons of government and the inner circle of Dos Santos and well-to-do family members and high-ranking officials. Cranes and cement-mixers toil relentlessly in the fast-expanding Angolan capital. And Angolans have largely put down their guns to dance and enjoy their spectacular beaches.


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Rab-genome analysis reveals novel insights in Weibel-Palade body exocytosis

Advance Online Publication August 16, 2012 doi: 10.1242/?jcs.104174 Weibel-Palade bodies (WPBs) are endothelial-specific organelles, which, upon fusion with the plasma membrane, release cargo molecules that are essential in critical blood vessel functions such as thrombosis, inflammation and angiogenesis. Despite the importance of WPBs, the basic mechanisms that mediate their secretion are only poorly understood. Rab GTPases play fundamental role in the trafficking of intracellular organelles. Yet, the only known WPB-associated Rabs are Rab27a and Rab3d. Here, to determine the full spectrum of WPB-Rabs we performed a complete Rab-genome screening by analyzing the localization of all Rabs in WPBs and their involvement in the secretory process in endothelial cells. Apart from Rab3 and Rab27, we identified three additional Rabs, Rab15 (a previously reported endocytic Rab), Rab33 and Rab37, on the WPB limiting membrane. A knocking down approach using siRNAs showed that among these five WPB-Rabs only Rab3, Rab27 and Rab15 are required for exocytosis. Intriguingly, we found that Rab15 cooperates with Rab27a in WPB secretion. Furthermore, a specific effector of Rab27, Munc13-4, appears to be also an effector of Rab15 and is required for WPB exocytosis. These data indicate that WPB secretion requires the coordinated function of a specific group of Rabs and that, among them, Rab27a and Rab15, as well as their effector Munc13-4, cooperate to drive exocytosis.


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A grim prophecy in festive robes

Nehad SelaihaNehad Selaiha watches the first fruit of a cooperation protocol between the State Theatre and Cultural Palaces organisations

So far, the 25 January revolution has effected no material change in the structure, organization, working methods, or funding policies of the public theatre sector. Nor was such a change to be credibly expected in view of the rapid succession of ministers of culture we have had so far (5 ministers in less than 2 years). Key positions in the ministry remain in the hands of the same old familiar faces, all nearing the age of retirement, and are bandied about amongst them in the semblance of a ridiculous game of musical chairs. No wonder that the upgrading of poet Saad Abdel Rahman to the post of head of the Cultural Palaces organization, where he served for years, or the transference of Naser Abdel Mon'im from the headship of the National Theatre Centre to that of the State Theatre Sector have left things pretty much the same as they found them and both seem happy to let the old, halting machines creak along on the same old rusty rails until such time as they inevitably grind to a stop. No fresh visions or reform plans have come from either. More depressingly still, no word from Abdel Mon'im about the long delayed restoration of the National theatre, destroyed by fire on Saturday, 27 September, 2008 and still in ruins, and no word from Abdel Rahman about rebuilding El-Samer theatre, recklessly pulled down in 1985 to be replaced by an ambitious theatrical complex that never materialized.

With the same endemic bureaucracy still bedeviling the Cultural Palaces and crippling its performance, and with the State Theatre growing more anaemic, presenting fewer plays of poorer quality than before the revolution, it was natural, perhaps, that the two organizations should lean on each other for support. Rather than individually address their basic problems and initiate reform, the 2 organisations have recently signed a 'cooperation protocol' which allows troupes belonging to both establishments to pool their resources and work together in joint productions. The first fruit of this project was Madad Ya Shikanara! (Succor, O Shikanara!), a co-production by the Youth State Theatre and Al-Samer Cultural Palaces Company, written by Mohamed Amin Abdel Samad and directed by Adel Hassan. It opened on 9 July (and is still running at the time of writing this article) in a colourful, roofless marquee, pitched for the occasion on the derelict site of the old demolished El-Samer.

Though the show was good, as I shall soon demonstrate, the choice of venue, if it can be called a choice, was painfully ironical. Here were two major theatre-making state organizations, joining forces in a worthy initiative, and the only space they could come up with to house it was this rugged, rat-infested, walled-in piece of waste land! This alone speaks volumes about the dire shortage of suitable performance spaces in Egypt and the decades-long criminal neglect of the infrastructure of theatre. Not only is the Samer company without a home, but so is also the Youth theatre. It has recently lost its original modest venue, the Yusef Idris small hall at El-Salaam theatre, which is the headquarter of the Modern State Theatre Company, when the whole building, with its two halls, rehearsal spaces and offices, was declared unsafe and put out of action after a minor fire in the basement of the adjacent Academy of Scientific Research, to which the theatre originally belonged before it was rented (or taken over) by the ministry of culture.

As a result, the Modern Theatre Company has temporarily taken refuge in Al-Hanager Centre, thus usurping for a time, and may be forever, the only state-run place in Cairo that is supposed to nurture independent artists and theatre troupes. Moreover, the Youth Theatre's other, modest venue ?ê" the Small hall of the Floating Theatre in Giza (originally the home base of the Children's Theatre Company) ?ê" is currently closed for repairs and maintenance, and so is the big hall of the same theatre which serves as the venue of The Comedy Theatre Company. With so many homeless companies and such few venues to go round, not to mention the bureaucracy, mismanagement meager budgets and outdated technical equipment, theatre-making in Egypt has become a real nightmare. And yet, artists go on making theatre, distilling magic out of the ugly, the painful and the mundane

The primitiveness and technical shortcomings of the venue were uppermost in my mind as I made my way to see Shikanara. I had seen scores of visiting provincial shows in that same spot, shabbily mounted on small, rickety, make-shift stages, with pathetic lighting and sound facilities, drab curtains and no wings, and had unfailingly writhed with embarrassment for the poor actors. This time, however, as soon as I stepped inside the tent, all my fears were dispelled. Stage designer Mohamed Gaber had made a virtue of all the evils of the place, transforming the derelict site of the demolished El-Samer into a brilliantly lit fairground, in an old quarter of Cairo, during preparations for an annual celebration of some holy sheikh. It struck me as an Egyptian version of what I have always imagined the setting of Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fayre (a comedy written in 1614) to look like. At the back of the gaily coloured marquee, near the entrance, was a modest, make-shift caf??, selling a variety of hot and cold drinks to the audience, in the middle, a children's roundabout, on one side at the far end, a puppet sideshow, on the other, facing it, a live band of folk musicians and singers in their long, traditional robes and turbans, while two painted clowns in motley, a dervish in rags, with rosaries and strings of beads round his neck and swinging a censer, and a fortuneteller in a gypsy costume moved freely among the seated audience, talking and joking with them. One side of the marquee was built to look like a typical old Cairene alley, with a domed holy shrine, a traditional, popular caf??, a newsstand, some shops, and a high archway, suggesting other alleys beyond, and flanked on both sides with attics, rooftops and lattice windows. It would have been wonderful had that structure extended to enclose the whole space within, spreading the action round the audience and allowing them to walk freely around or move their seats as they liked. This, however, would have required more extras, raw material and work and proved all together too expensive. As it was, when the show proper began, the carnival atmosphere retreated to the built side of the marquee, which remained the only lit place and, except for occasional forays by the clowns among the audience, was the sole acting area.

The curious, intriguing title of the play, Madad Ya Shikanara, is deliberately facetious and pointedly satirical; it blatantly joins the sacred and profane, using the word 'madad' (Succor), a prayer or call for help strictly reserved by tradition for sacred figures, to address an imaginary burlesque of a holy man carrying a funny-sounding, nonsensical name. Judging by his name, this Shikanara was most likely a charlatan, an invention of a conman, a figment of some crazed imagination, or a creation of a mind stuffed with drugs or steeped in alcohol. His shrine, however, or, rather, the lucrative, influential job of 'shrine servant', which carries immense power and authority, is the focus of the play and its primum mobile. When the job falls vacant due to the death of its holder, the conflict erupts over whom to succeed him. The conflict divides the alley dwellers, triggering words and deeds that reveal the socioeconomic structure of this little community (a microcosm of Egypt), its clashing interests and ideological differences. Though the wealthy merchants and the leaders of various religious sects vie for the job among themselves, they, nevertheless, band together against the working poor and join forces with the police to wheedle, cheat, and/or terrorize them. Needy, ignorant, and long intimidated, the working poor are at first reluctant to defy their oppressors and waste time quarrelling among themselves over trifles and nursing petty feuds and grudges, thus becoming more vulnerable and easier to infiltrate and deceive. Eventually, however, they are aroused by the intellectual rebel Ghareeb (Stranger in Arabic) who comes amongst them from no-one-knows-where and earns his living as a waiter in the alley's caf??. He preaches resistance, unity and the sharing of power through democratic elections and eventually succeeds in getting them to choose a candidate from among their own ranks and to go to the polls and cast their votes.

Suddenly, however, Ghareeb disappears as mysteriously as he appeared and is rumoured to have been killed. Subsequently, the elections are rigged by the policeman and his agents in favour of the candidate supported by the regime and all the groups ?ê" the working people, the business men, and the warring religious factions ?ê" are furious and suspicious and hurl accusations of treachery and collusion with the regime at each other. The play ends with a gang of long-bearded, white-robed, fierce-looking and gun-waving Salafis suddenly invading the alley through the archway, as if to quell all fights and impose their laws. Whether they will take over the shrine or not is a question the play leaves open. The final scene is a tableau vivant in which all the parties in the conflict, including the newcomers, stand still, glaring at each other.

But this is not the only question the play leaves open; another and more intriguing one concerns the shrine; that it is a metaphor is obvious; but a metaphor for what? For Egypt? For political power? For political Islam? It is a credit to Mohamed Amin Abdel Samad, the author of the Shikanarqa text, that one can convincingly argue in favour of all three answers and still the meaning remains uncertain, dubious and teasingly elusive. One wonders if this short, serious, and thought-provoking political play will gain in concentration and clarity if presented without the many frills contributed by director Adel Hassan, particularly the many religious chants and folk songs contributed at short intervals by Samir Azmi, accompanied by the South Folk and Popular Music Band, the lively antics of the two delightful clowns, Mohamed El-Nabawi and Nawal El-'Adl, and the qaraqoz puppet show presented by Mohamed Abdel Fattah.

In the absence of those frills, however, some of the play's flaws, like its weak characterization and occasional preachy tone, may become more glaring. It is true that the actors seemed at times irritated and distracted by the constant intrusion of music and song; in the absence of such interruptions, however, parts of their dialogue and some of their speeches might have come across as somewhat pallid, repetitive, unconvincing, or underwritten. Purists may argue that Hassan's amusing frills and the festive ambience contributed by Mohamed Gaber's design may have diluted the drama a bit, and possibly blunted the political edge of the play's warning. But one can also counter argue that thanks to the director's and designer's combined imaginative efforts, Abdel Samad's somewhat dry text gained a vibrant, attractive theatrical dimension and its important message was put across in an entertaining popular form that drew audiences and made the show a definite success.


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President keeps the pressure on Damascus

The anti-Assad line expressed by Mursi in Tehran last week is reiterated at the Arab League in unequivocal terms, reports Dina Ezzat

"Syria, Syria, Syria: You have to do something; it is all up to you and we are here to support you," said President Mohamed Mursi Wednesday morning.

Mursi's statement was made before the opening session of the Arab League Foreign Ministers Council, at the Cairo headquarters of the pan-Arab organisation.

The statement was received with applause from Arab League Secretary-General Nabil El-Arabi and most participating Arab delegations.

Mursi's speech was the first by an Egyptian head of state at the Arab League since ousted President Hosni Mubarak attended the inauguration of a meeting on Iraqi reconciliation seven years ago. Unlike the mild statements Mubarak made then, Mursi's presence and language were uncompromising -- especially on Syria.

"I am telling the ruling regime in Syria that your rule shall not last for long. The Syrian people have said their word, and it is the Syrian people that will have the upper hand," Mursi said.

"I would advise you to refrain from listening to those who are telling you that your rule can persist. I urge you to take the right decision now and not later when it will be too late. You need to part with arrogance and to bow to reality. The Syrian people no longer wants you," he added, addressing -- though he was not present -- Bashar Al-Assad directly.

The president lamented the endless bloodshed suffered by the Syrian people every day, and said that Arab failure to act in support of the Syrian people makes the whole Arab nation responsible for their ordeal.

Mursi's statements came less than a week after harshly criticising the Syrian regime at the opening session of the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Tehran. He went as far as equating the Syrian regime with the Israeli occupation of Palestine.

Mursi's attack elicited a pointed response by a Syrian diplomat who spoke to Al-Ahram Weekly. "Mursi is going the extra mile to appease the Americans. What he is saying is meant to pave the way for wide Arab support for a diplomatic and maybe even military intervention that would be led by the US against Syria," he said.

The Syrian diplomat added that the "attack" is in line with "US directives sent to Cairo through its new Arab ally in Doha". "It is such a shame that Egypt has become a follower of Qatar," he said.

The emir of Qatar is the only head of state to have visited Mursi, mid-August, since he was sworn into office 30 June. Mursi and his Qatari counterpart have met twice since, both on the fringes of an extraordinary summit of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference in Mecca, late August, and in Tehran last week.

A presidential aide who spoke to the Weekly denies that the position adopted by Mursi against Syria is the outcome of Egyptian-Qatari diplomatic coordination. "It is a function of the fact that we really see that this regime [in Damascus] has no chance to stay in power."

Meanwhile, the recently assigned UN-Arab League envoy on Syria, Lakhdar Brahimi, is expected in Cairo in a few days ahead of beginning his mission in the wake of the failure of his predecessor, Kofi Annan.

According to Arab -- including Syrian -- diplomats, Brahimi, a former Algerian foreign minister and an acclaimed international diplomat, has little chance to make a breakthrough in the current crisis in Syria, which started with pro-reform demonstrations in March 2011 and which met a severe military response.

The Syrian opposition, divided as it is, agrees on one thing: Al-Assad has to go. The Syrian regime, however, is not willing to talk about a power transition from Al-Assad and is fighting to survive with some democratic reforms.

Also hindering Brahimi is division within the UN Security Council, with Russia and China still determined to support the Al-Assad regime.

In his speech, Mursi expressed faith in Brahimi.

As Mursi was exiting the Arab League Wednesday, demonstrators gathering not far from the Tahrir Square headquarters of the Arab organisation were shouting: "Down, down with Al-Assad, the butcher of the Syrian people!"

On Tuesday evening, Syrian and sympathetic Egyptian and Arab demonstrators attempted to attack the Syrian embassy in Cairo. Egyptian security forces defended the premises with dozens injured on both sides.


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Deconstructing the third dimension - how 3D culture microenvironments alter cellular cues

Advance Online Publication July 13, 2012 doi: 10.1242/?jcs.079509 July 1, 2012 J Cell Sci 125, 3015-3024. Brendon M. Baker and Christopher S. Chen*
Department of Bioengineering, University of Pennsylvania, 210 South 33rd Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA ?*Author for correspondence (chrischen{at}seas.upenn.edu) Much of our understanding of the biological mechanisms that underlie cellular functions, such as migration, differentiation and force-sensing has been garnered from studying cells cultured on two-dimensional (2D) glass or plastic surfaces. However, more recently the cell biology field has come to appreciate the dissimilarity between these flat surfaces and the topographically complex, three-dimensional (3D) extracellular environments in which cells routinely operate in vivo. This has spurred substantial efforts towards the development of in vitro 3D biomimetic environments and has encouraged much cross-disciplinary work among biologists, material scientists and tissue engineers. As we move towards more-physiological culture systems for studying fundamental cellular processes, it is crucial to define exactly which factors are operative in 3D microenvironments. Thus, the focus of this Commentary will be on identifying and describing the fundamental features of 3D cell culture systems that influence cell structure, adhesion, mechanotransduction and signaling in response to soluble factors, which – in turn – regulate overall cellular function in ways that depart dramatically from traditional 2D culture formats. Additionally, we will describe experimental scenarios in which 3D culture is particularly relevant, highlight recent advances in materials engineering for studying cell biology, and discuss examples where studying cells in a 3D context provided insights that would not have been observed in traditional 2D systems.

Key words Funding

This work was supported in part from grants from the NIH [grant numbers EB00262, EB08396, HL73305, GM74048] and Center for Engineering Cells and Regeneration of the University of Pennsylvania. B.M.B. acknowledges financial support from a Ruth L. Kirschstein National Research Service Award. Deposited in PMC for release after 12 months.

This article is part of a Minifocus on Mechanotransduction. For further reading, please see related articles: ‘Finding the weakest link – exploring integrin-mediated mechanical molecular pathways’ by Pere Roca-Cusachs et al. (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3025-3038). ‘Signalling through mechanical inputs – a coordinated process’ by Huimin Zhang and Michel Labouesse (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3039-3049). ‘United we stand – integrating the actin cytoskeleton and cell–matrix adhesions in cellular mechanotransduction’ by Ulrich S. Schwarz and Margaret L. Gardel (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3051-3060). ‘Mechanosensitive mechanisms in transcriptional regulation’ by Akiko Mammoto et al. (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3061-3073). ‘Molecular force transduction by ion channels – diversity and unifying principles’ by Sergei Sukharev and Frederick Sachs (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3075-3083).

© 2012. Published by The Company of Biologists Ltd

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الأحد، 16 سبتمبر 2012

Controversial new posts

Recent appointments by the Shura Council to the National Council of Human Rights and the state-owned newspapers have renewed concerns over the apparent Islamisation of the country, reports Reem Leila

Members of the Shura Council's general committee met to endorse the final list of members of the Supreme Press Council and to name the new board chairmen of state-owned newspapers on 4 September. The new appointments came just 24 hours after the council had announced the formation of a new National Council of Human Rights (NCHR).

There will be 80 members of the NCHR, 27 of them appointed and forming the council's permanent members. The remaining members will be consultants to the council and will meet with the permanent members once each month. The NCHR's secretary-general will be elected from among the council's appointed members, or chosen from outside the council as stipulated by law.

The appointments made by the Shura Council, the upper house of Egypt's parliament, are the second since the toppling of former president Hosni Mubarak in February 2011. During the meeting of the council's general committee, council speaker Ahmed Fahmi refused nominations made by the council's human rights committee to the NCHR, saying that these should be made "by members of the Shura Council's general committee" instead.

According to Ezzeddin El-Komi, deputy chairman of the Shura Council's Human Rights Committee, the council had agreed to appoint judge Hossam El-Gheriani as head of the NCHR and leftist Abdel-Ghaffar Shokr as deputy. El-Gheriani is known to be an Islamist-leaning figure.

Among the 80 members are four Copts, Georgette Quillini, a lawyer and former MP, Edward Ghaleb, a member of the Coptic Church's Confessional Council, veteran writer Louis Greis, and Ihab El-Kharrat, head of the council's Human Rights Committee.

The council will also include Islamist figures, among them Mohamed Tosson, a prominent lawyer from the Muslim Brotherhood and former chairman of its legislative committee, Abdel-Moneim Abdel-Maqsoud, another Brotherhood lawyer, who defended Khairat El-Shater when the Supreme Electoral Committee excluded the latter from the presidential race, Nader Bakkar, spokesman of the Salafist Nour Party, and Mahmoud Ghozlan, a Brotherhood spokesman who was imprisoned three times in 2002, 2005 and 2007 for opposing the previous regime.

Mohamed El-Beltagui, a prominent leader of the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) has also been appointed to the NCHR. El-Beltagui was an MP in 2005, but withdrew from the 2010 parliamentary elections upon the instructions of the Muslim Brotherhood. He is famous for defending the Palestinian cause.

Other figures include Abdallah Badran, head of the Nour Party bloc in the Shura Council, who is known for having criticised former prime minister Kamal El-Ganzouri and members of his government for not attending sessions of parliament. Ahmed Seif El-Islam, secretary-general of the Lawyers Syndicate, is also a member, as are leftist activists Wael Khalil and Mohamed El-Damati, head of the syndicate's Freedoms Committee.

Other nominees include actors Wagdi El-Arabi and Yehia El-Fakharani. El-Arabi declared his affiliation to the Muslim Brotherhood in June 2011.

The NCHR has various topics on its agenda, including social, economic and political issues that have to be addressed in order to grant people their rights and to ensure that there is no discrimination.

Quillini told the Weekly of her happiness at her appointment, saying that in her view there were several controversial issues that needed to be raised at the council. "Despite the recent appointment of Copts to the presidential team, cabinet and NCHR, their representation is still low. The law on unified places of worship should be passed to the People's Assembly for approval," she said.

According to Quillini, there are more Islamists than Copts on the council, but what matters is quality, not quantity. "This is what I intend to prove during my membership. I struggled for Coptic rights when I was an MP, and I will continue fighting until we have reached our goals. We are all equal, and there should not be any discrimination due to differences of religion," she said.

At the same time, writer and novelist Alaa El-Aswani refused his appointment to the council. El-Aswani tweeted: "a free journalist and novelist must not bind himself to any governmental entity in order to be able to criticise the government's performance when necessary without being embarrassed" to do so.

Activist Ahmed Harara, who lost his sight in the course of the 25 January Revolution, also refused his appointment to the council, without giving a reason.

Activist Wael Khalil, who accepted membership of the NCHR, said he would use it to accomplish the goals of the 25 January Revolution. "The council is currently facing serious challenges, among them the reform of the relationship between the government, the police and the people," he said, adding that it would also work to improve the status of women in society, which had been compromised after the revolution.

Activist Mohamed Bahieddin Hassan, head of the Cairo Centre for Human Rights, said that the formation of the new council was proof of the Islamisation of the country and of different organisations and associations.

"The council in its new incarnation will not be independent, and instead it will be controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood. In the past, it was controlled by the now-dismantled National Democratic Party [NDP]," the former ruling party. "It used to appear to be an independent entity, but it was controlled by NDP tycoons. Now there will be no difference: the only difference is that instead of the NDP, it is the FJP that controls everything," Hassan said.

At the same time, the Shura Council also announced new appointments to the Supreme Press Council, including Shura Council head Ahmed Fahmi, eight chairpersons and eight editors-in-chief of state-owned newspapers, and four editors-in-chief of party-affiliated newspapers.

New appointments also included the head of the Press Syndicate, Mamdouh El-Wali, liberal politician Osama El-Ghazali Harb, Ibrahim Hegazi, Mohamed Khuraga and Mohamed Negm.

The new appointments included the head of the General Union of Press, Printing and Publishing Workers, Talaat El-Meneisi. Basiouni Hamdan, Mahmoud Alameddin, legal expert Omar Salem, a former minister of legal affairs, and judge Mohamed Abu Naas.

Several Islamist figures joined the Press Council, such as Salafist Nour Party members Ahmed Khalil and Tarek El-Sahri, and Muslim Brotherhood members Fathi Shehabeddin, head of the Shura Council's Culture Committee, and journalist Qotb El-Arabi.

Osama Ayoub, assistant editor of October magazine, Khaled Salah, editor-in-chief of the newspaper Al-Youm Al-Sabei, Sameh Mahrous, assistant editor of the Al-Gomhuriya newspaper, leftist political figure Wael Qandil, the editor-in-chief of Al-Shorouk newspaper, Naglaa Mahfouz, Ashraf Sadek, Souad Abul-Nasr, and Mohamed El-Abd all also joined the Press Council.

Additional appointments included Geel Party President Nagui El-Shahabi and professor of political science and economics Ayman El-Mahgoub, along with Magdi El-Maasrawi, Mohamed El-Gawadi, Khaled Hassanein, Azza Youssef, Mohamed Hassanein, Ashraf Saber, Abeer Beshr, Hedayat Abdel-Nabi and Mohsen Hassan.

Veteran writer Salah Eissa reportedly objected to the new nominations to the Press Council. "The Shura Council eliminated all those who oppose the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as those who have perspectives on improving the country," he said.

Eissa added that the changes aimed to ensure the control of the Shura Council over the Supreme Press Council, as well as the state-owned newspapers. "They want to implement their own policy without listening to anyone's objections," he said.

In the same session, the Shura Council also announced the appointment of new chairmen of the board of the state-owned newspapers. Chairman of the Press Syndicate Mamdouh El-Wali will be the head of Al-Ahram, instead of Abdel-Fattah El-Gebali. The new chairpersons include Ahmed Sameh at Akhbar Al-Youm, Yehia Zakaria Ghanem at Dar Al-Hilal, Mustafa Abu Zeid at Dar Al-Tahrir, Kamaleddin Mahgoub at Dar Al-Maaref and Shaker Abdel-Fattah at the Middle East News Agency (MENA). Sayed Abdel-Fattah at the National Company of Publications and Mohamed Gamaleddin at Ros El-Youssef have kept their posts.


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Finding the weakest link - exploring integrin-mediated mechanical molecular pathways

Advance Online Publication July 13, 2012 doi: 10.1242/?jcs.095794 July 1, 2012 J Cell Sci 125, 3025-3038. Pere Roca-Cusachs1,*,‡, Thomas Iskratsch2,* and Michael P. Sheetz2,3
1University of Barcelona and Institute for Bioengineering of Catalonia, Barcelona 08028, Spain
2Department of Biological Sciences, Columbia University, New York, NY 10027, USA
3Mechanobiology Institute of Singapore, National University of Singapore, 117411, Singapore?‡Author for correspondence (rocacusachs{at}ub.edu) ?* These authors contributed equally to this work

From the extracellular matrix to the cytoskeleton, a network of molecular links connects cells to their environment. Molecules in this network transmit and detect mechanical forces, which subsequently determine cell behavior and fate. Here, we reconstruct the mechanical pathway followed by these forces. From matrix proteins to actin through integrins and adaptor proteins, we review how forces affect the lifetime of bonds and stretch or alter the conformation of proteins, and how these mechanical changes are converted into biochemical signals in mechanotransduction events. We evaluate which of the proteins in the network can participate in mechanotransduction and which are simply responsible for transmitting forces in a dynamic network. Besides their individual properties, we also analyze how the mechanical responses of a protein are determined by their serial connections from the matrix to actin, their parallel connections in integrin clusters and by the rate at which force is applied to them. All these define mechanical molecular pathways in cells, which are emerging as key regulators of cell function alongside better studied biochemical pathways.

Key words Funding

The work of our laboratory was supported in part by a grant by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [grant number BFU2011-23111].

This article is part of a Minifocus on Mechanotransduction. For further reading, please see related articles: ‘Deconstructing the third dimension – how 3D culture microenvironments alter cellular cues’ by Brendon M. Baker and Christopher S. Chen (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3015-3024). ‘Signalling through mechanical inputs – a coordinated process’ by Huimin Zhang and Michel Labouesse (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3039-3049). ‘United we stand – integrating the actin cytoskeleton and cell–matrix adhesions in cellular mechanotransduction’ by Ulrich S. Schwarz and Margaret L. Gardel (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3051-3060). ‘Mechanosensitive mechanisms in transcriptional regulation’ by Akiko Mammoto et al. (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3061-3073). ‘Molecular force transduction by ion channels – diversity and unifying principles’ by Sergei Sukharev and Frederick Sachs (J. Cell Sci. 125, 3075-3083).

© 2012. Published by The Company of Biologists Ltd

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